1. when the king’s commandment] Beginning with these words, and extending to the end of this long verse, is a series of clauses, thus postponing the actual narrative. The writer’s motive for this lengthened protasis may well be the literary effect of suggesting thereby the suspense which prevailed during the intervening period.

Chap. Esther 9:1-10. Overthrow of the Jews’ enemies

The story, omitting the intermediate months of preparation, now passes to the date fixed by the decree for the Jews’ overthrow.

2. to lay hand on such as sought their hurt] Thus it was open to the Jews to assume the offensive, and not necessarily await an attack. They would no doubt be guided by their familiarity with the circumstances of each locality and consequently with the most advisable tactics to adopt.

the fear of them was fallen upon all the peoples] Hence the resistance was half-hearted.

3. they that did the king’s business] See on Esther 3:9.

6. in Shushan the palace] The word seems to have a somewhat wider sense here than earlier in the Book (see note on Esther 1:2), meaning perhaps royal city. Bloodshed within the palace proper would not have been permitted, and even in the fortress connected with it this number would scarcely have been reached.

7–9. Most if not all of these names are apparently of Persian origin, and this circumstance is against the supposition that this was not Haman’s nationality as well. The Heb. text exhibits peculiarities in arrangement and orthography. The ten names are placed vertically. According to Jewish tradition this is to indicate that they were hung one above another on an exceedingly lofty gallows. Moreover, the first letter of the last name is written large, and one of those composing the second, seventh, and tenth names is made smaller than its neighbours. The reason for these peculiarities remains obscure. Evidently at an early date the words became subject to extensive corruption. The LXX. text differs widely.

10. on the spoil they laid not their hand] although according to the terms of the edict (Esther 8:11) they had a legal right to do this. Their desire was deliverance and also vengeance, but not material gain. Cp. the case of Abraham, when he refused to make himself liable to the imputation that he had been enriched by his overthrow of the king of Sodom’s enemies (Genesis 14:23).

11–19. Institution of memorial celebrations

12. what then have they done in the rest of the king’s provinces!] It is best to take this, not, with A.V., as an actual question, but as meaning, It is superfluous to enquire how extensive the slaughter must be throughout the Empire as a whole, when Shushan alone has yielded so many victims.

Now what is thy petition?] The question implies that the king perceives that Esther is not yet satisfied.

13. There may have been special reasons why the extension of time was needed in Susa in order to ensure the Jews’ complete success in exterminating their foes there. The attitude of Esther and Mordecai towards the whole question of the permissibility of revenge was naturally that of their contemporaries, and so it is not to be judged by us on Christian principles.

be hanged upon the gallows] She asks that the bodies may be impaled or hung on a gibbet, so as to crown their disgrace, and serve as a terrible example.

18. The inability of the Jews dwelling in Shushan to make their festival synchronize with that of their countrymen elsewhere brought about the custom that both the fourteenth and the fifteenth days should be kept. Such is the habit of the Jews to this day, except that the former day is held to be the chief one in the observance (see note on Esther 3:13). In 2Ma 15:36 the 14th of Adar is called ‘the day of Mordecai.’

19. the Jews of the villages, that dwell in the unwalled towns, make etc.] not ‘dwelt’ and ‘made’ as in the A.V. The writer is describing the custom of his own day as arising out of the circumstances here recounted. He implies that in his time the Jews who did not come under the above description followed the date at which those in Shushan celebrated their deliverance. The LXX., however, inserts a clause to this effect, viz. ‘But those who dwell in the chief cities keep the fifteenth day of Adar as a day of glad feasting, and of sending portions likewise to their neighbours.’

and of sending portions one to another] i.e. that the poor might share in the happiness of the occasion. The same procedure was enjoined by Nehemiah (Nehemiah 8:10; Nehemiah 8:12) at the proclamation of the Law in his time. It was in accordance with the ordinance (Deuteronomy 16:11; Deuteronomy 16:14) that the enjoyment of the Feast of Weeks should be extended to ‘the stranger, the fatherless, and the widow.’ The custom of sending gifts (usually sweetmeats) is still preserved at Purim.

20–28. Mordecai’s injunctions for the keeping of Purim

20. And Mordecai wrote these things] Mordecai’s position as a Jew, who had attained to the office of grand vizier, seems to have been regarded as giving him, under the circumstances, a right to impose upon the Jews within the king of Persia’s dominions a new annual celebration. It is best to take ‘these things’ to mean so much of the story as appeared needful by way of explanation of the circumstances of the deliverance, as calling for a commemorative festival. We may notice that in this letter, unlike the second (Esther 9:29-32), there is no reference to any but the joyous side of the commemoration.

22. as the days … a good day] This has the character of a parenthesis, the preceding clause being taken up again in the words ‘that they should make them’ etc.

23. undertook] assumed the obligation.

to do as they had begun] to continue to keep the celebration on the fourteenth day of Adar.

and as Mordecai had written unto them] i.e. to keep the celebration on the following day as well.

24. Pur, that is, the lot] See on Esther 3:7.

25. the matter] A.V. inserts Esther as the subject of the verb. In the original it is simply the feminine pronoun, which however in Heb. may also stand for the neuter.

26. The Feast of Purim comes in early spring, a month before Passover. The previous day is kept as a fast in memory of the Shushan Jews’ fast (Esther 4:16).

Purim, after the name of Pur] i.e. they gave the Persian word a Hebrew plural.

letter] The original (’iggereth) is a late Heb. word, probably of Assyrian origin, cognate to the Greek angareuein (ἀγγαρεύειν). See note on Esther 3:13.

27. upon all such as joined themselves unto them] i.e. proselytes.

29. the daughter of Abihail] She was probably thus designated in the letter itself.

letter] See on Esther 9:26.

29–32. Further injunctions on the part of Esther and Mordecai

The Jews having readily agreed to the directions which Mordecai had given in the first letter, and expressed their readiness (Esther 9:28) to accept the obligation of keeping the annual festival as a perpetual one, a second communication is sent out to them, viz. a joint letter of Esther and Mordecai. An increased weight is given to it, as compared with the former, by the addition of the name of the queen who is also the heroine of the story. Moreover, in it the Jews are bidden to remember as well the duty of the preceding fast, even as Mordecai and Esther themselves fasted in the time of peril. But see note on Esther 9:31.

31. to confirm] It has been suggested that the former communications from Mordecai were only a recommendation, while this joint letter from him and Esther was intended to render the matter obligatory. Against such a view, however, is the fact that the word in the original here rendered ‘to confirm’ is the same as that translated ‘to enjoin’ in Esther 9:21.

in the matter of the fastings and their cry] The words may be a gloss. They are not found in the LXX., and the Heb. word translated ‘fastings’ does not occur in this exact form elsewhere.

32. in the book] not meaning the Book of Esther, but most likely the book from which the compiler drew this part of his materials.